Tehran, Iran – The office of Iran’s Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei has announced a series of new appointments in key positions, signaling a significant consolidation of the country’s security and military hierarchy amid the ongoing US-Israel war. The most prominent change is the appointment of Mohsen Rezaee, a veteran former commander-in-chief of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), as the secretary of the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC) and as the supreme leader’s representative within the council.
Mohsen Rezaee, who served as commander-in-chief of the IRGC for 16 years, including throughout the grinding years of the war with Iraq in the 1980s, brings extensive institutional authority to his new role. His appointment follows reports of internal friction, with hardline MP Amirhossein Sabeti noting that President Masoud Pezeshkian had long resisted the leader’s push to replace the former security chief, Zolghadr, with Rezaee. The transition marks a decisive shift toward a more hardline security posture.
Six new military positions were also officially filled on Monday. Ali Abdollahi, the former head of Iran’s joint war command, has been appointed as the new chief of staff of the armed forces. Additionally, Ali Ozmaei has been named as the head of the IRGC Navy, a critical role given the ongoing tensions in the Persian Gulf. These shifts are designed to streamline decision-making and ensure that the military apparatus remains tightly aligned with the supreme leader’s strategic objectives.
Brigadier General Ahmad Vahidi was also confirmed as the new commander-in-chief of the IRGC “with the rank of major general.” Vahidi officially succeeds Mohammad Pakpour, who was killed during the opening salvo of the US-Israel war on Iran in late February. This succession is seen as a move to maintain continuity within the IRGC’s command structure during a period of intense military pressure.
Sina Azodi, an assistant professor of Middle East Politics at George Washington University, stated that these appointments signal no softening in negotiations with the United States. “There is little question that Khamenei, Vahidi and the IRGC leadership all share the view that continued resistance to the US is strategically necessary,” Azodi told Al Jazeera. He noted that Rezaee’s appointment appears intended to strengthen internal cohesion, reinforce the leadership’s control over the organization, and draw on the experience of a figure who helped shape the IRGC into the military and political institution it is today.
Rezaee brings deep institutional experience and considerable authority among both senior IRGC commanders and the rank-and-file. However, he has never held elected office, having run for president unsuccessfully four times. Before his current appointment, Rezaee served as the secretary of the Expediency Council, a top state arbitration body, as he increasingly turned to politics and macroeconomics following the end of the Iraq war, which left hundreds of thousands dead.
The 71-year-old also helped develop a long-term national development plan and was granted high-level economic coordination authorities during the Ebrahim Raisi presidency between 2021 and 2024. Since his return to a prominent security role, he has projected a message of defiance and resilience to the US, Israel, and regional actors during interviews and online posts. In one notable comment from July 2015, months before the landmark nuclear accord, he suggested readiness for a US ground assault, claiming, “If the Americans want to look at Iran with ill intent… we will capture at least 1,000 Americans as prisoners,” adding that their release would require billions in payments to resolve Iran’s economic problems.
Rezaee made a comeback in military uniform during the current conflict, becoming a military adviser to the supreme leader just over a week after Mojtaba Khamenei replaced his predecessor. He also expressed strong opposition to the memorandum of understanding (MoU) signed with the US in June, which had temporarily lifted a naval blockade and suspended oil sanctions. State-linked outlets reported that 12 out of 13 voting members of the SNSC favored the MoU, with only ultraconservative Saeed Jalili opposing it.
Regarding the negotiations, Rezaee stated in early July, “I ask friends who are against negotiations to wait, the Americans will destroy it themselves and won’t let it lead to any results.” Shortly after the agreement was suspended following the resumption of attacks, he warned that the US must change its behavior or face serious risks and casualties to its forces. He specifically declared that Iran “will never permit the opening of a second corridor in the Strait of Hormuz.”
The international reaction has been sharp. Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs condemned the move, stating, “The Iranian regime worships terror, rewards its architects and promotes them to the highest levels of power.” This sentiment reflects the broader regional concern that the elevation of figures like Rezaee signals a permanent shift toward a more aggressive, militarized foreign policy.
Shortly after the announcement of his appointment, state television aired a historical segment featuring footage of Rezaee during the Iraq war, describing him as a commander with a “strong military logic.” This media campaign is clearly aimed at bolstering his image as a seasoned strategist capable of navigating the current crisis. The focus remains on maintaining the regime’s survival through a combination of military readiness and ideological rigidity.
As the new security architecture takes shape, the focus in Tehran remains on the consolidation of power. By placing veteran commanders in key positions, the supreme leader is ensuring that the state remains unified in its resistance to external pressures. Whether this strategy will lead to further escalation or a shift in the regional balance of power remains to be seen, but the intent to maintain a hardline stance is clear.
An official with the IRGC’s Basij paramilitary organisation said this week that state media will soon release new pictures from the supreme leader taken after the war to disprove claims by the US and Israel that he may h
It rejected the notion that Zolghadr was removed for failure or dissatisfaction or that the government opposed the appointment, adding that Rezaee could better integrate military, diplomatic, economic and energy policy t
“The central issue is not one secretary’s departure and another’s arrival, but how consequential the steps taken by the SNSC secretariat in this new phase will be,” Nournews said.
He argued that his position was closer to that of Mojtaba Khamenei, who ended up approving the MoU despite stated reservations.
But a number of hardline MPs, media and supporters of the Islamic Republic blasted the agreement as they believe the strait should not have been allowed to reopen until the US gives more concessions.
An official with the IRGC’s Basij paramilitary organisation said this week that state media will soon release new pictures from the supreme leader taken after the war to disprove claims by the US and Israel that he may have been badly wounded in the same February 28 strikes that killed his father and other top commanders.
The state-linked Mehr news service this week recirculated old and undated video from Khamenei, showing him speaking to a handful of clerics and followers during a meeting.
Pezeshkian also said on Monday that he recently had a seven-hour meeting with Khamenei when the supreme leader emphasised “unity”.
According to an editorial by Nournews, an outlet affiliated with the national security council, Rezaee’s appointment signalled the beginning of a broader “strategic restructuring” suited to Iran’s new wartime circumstances.
It rejected the notion that Zolghadr was removed for failure or dissatisfaction or that the government opposed the appointment, adding that Rezaee could better integrate military, diplomatic, economic and energy policy to overcome “siloed management”.
Analysts have noted that Zolghadr was close to Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Iran’s parliament speaker and chief negotiator in talks with the US, so his replacement could also be an attempt to tame Ghalibaf’s growing influence.
But Ghalibaf was among senior officials who released congratulatory messages on Monday for Rezaee – as did Vahidi and newly reappointed judiciary chief Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Ejei.
“The whole world has clearly seen over the past year-and-a-half that our country is a country of institutions, not individuals.
This was exactly the secret of the longevity and victory of the Islamic Republic in these challenging conditions,” spokesman Esmaeil Baghaei told reporters during a news conference on Monday.
Israel reacted harshly to the appointment, pointing out that Rezaee – along with Vahidi – is subject to an Interpol Red Notice for his alleged role in the 1994 bombing of a Jewish centre in Argentina’s capital, Buenos Aires, which killed 85 people.
“Then, to free each of them, they will have to pay a few billion dollars, which could resolve many of our economic problems.”
A number of hardliners in Tehran also appeared pleased with the change at the security council as a hardline figure, unafraid of military confrontation, was taking charge, with some using it to attack Pezeshkian’s pro-deal government.